There is an interesting backstory to this blog post, and it involves me driving around rural southwestern Ontario this morning in an obstacle-fraught quest to find the Saturday Globe and Mail, where Amy Knight's take on my book is the cover review of the paper's Books section.
First, I should mention how grateful I am for the close reading provided by a scholar as well known as Knight, who agrees with the book's main points. One, that Yakovlev was integral to Gorbachev's reforms of perestroika and glasnost, and, two, that a key period in Yakovlev's evolution from communist to democrat happened in Canada, during the ten years Yakovlev spent here as ambassador to Ottawa. I'm particularly gratified by her generous praise--she calls The Soviet Ambassador a "well-researched and thoughtful biography of Yakovlev." Later, she says, "Christopher Shulgan has done an excellent job in documenting Yakovlev's career in the Soviet government and describing his exceptional role in the events that caused the collapse of the Soviet Union."
Toward the end of the review, as any reviewer must, Knight mentions several criticisms. One deals with the book; another deals not with the book but with Knight's problems with Yakovlev's performance in what would prove to be his life's final crusade. First, the book criticism. Knight faults the book for "skirting" Yakovlev's controversial chairmanship of the Commission to Rehabilitate Victims of Political Repression. I think this criticism unjustified because it happens after the body of my book ends. Knight is apparently labouring under the misconception that my book is a full biography of Yakovlev's life. In fact, as the subtitle suggests, this is a "making of" biography--it chronicles Yakovlev's ideological development; in other words, his pre-perestroika life. It's about his evolution from an ardent communist into an enthusiastic democrat, which happened from 1941 to the summer of 1983, when Gorbachev rescues Yakovlev from his decade-long exile in Canada. The two men go on to enact the reforms of perestroika and glasnost during Gorbachev's 1985 to 1991 leadership of the Soviet Union. One day I'd love the opportunity to chronicle Yakovlev's life during perestroika and afterward. And if I get that opportunity, I will delve in-depth into Yakovlev's stint as Commission chair, which began five years after my biography concludes, in 1988. Knight's criticism, then, is a little like slagging Gibbon's history of the Roman empire for not including a chapter on, say, the fall of Troy. That's not what the book's about!
Knight also criticizes Yakovlev, which is fair--Yakovlev is a controversial figure. That's why he's so fascinating. But in this case I think the substance of Knight's criticism is wrong. She faults Yakovlev's work as the Commission chair because she says he failed to examine the Communist Party's repressions in the '60s. And she implies that Yakovlev didn't examine those repressions because he was wary of implicating himself. That's nonsense. Yakovlev was impressively candid throughout his life in discussing his culpability in the Party's crimes of the '60s, and I go over his culpability at length in the second part of my book. One thing I didn't mention in my book is that such victims of repression as Andrei Sinyavsky felt that Yakovlev had absolved himself of his crimes--in fact, Sinyavsky and Yakovlev would go on to become friends in the latter years of Yakovlev's life. If Sinyavsky can forgive Yakovlev, Knight should, too.
Finally, I'll mention one last point from Knight's review. In her last line, she says, "[Yakovlev] was one of the reasons democracy in Russia ultimately failed." Well, maybe, but that's a point that should be couched with plenty of qualifiers, including one that Knight, as an expert in KGB history, well knows--that KGB chief Vladimir Kryuchkov and others prevented Yakovlev from completing perestroika's revolution. In fact, I'll try to address this one in more detail at a later date, when I'm not thumb-typing on my BlackBerry in a tent in the midst of a rainstorm in southwestern Ontario. I'll finish by pointing out that while Yakovlev does bear some responsibility for perestroika's failure, he bears more responsibility for the fact that perestroika's democratic reforms ever started in the first place--and that's why the tale of his evolution is so important. (Now back to Lawrence Wright's history of al Qaeda, The Looming Tower, and the waiting out of this rainstorm.)




